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On 11 August, the public holiday of Constitution Day, which commemorated the adoption of the Weimar Constitution in , Papen and his Interior Minister Baron Wilhelm von Gayl called a press conference to announce plans for a new constitution that would, in effect, turn Germany into a dictatorship.
When the new Reichstag assembled on 12 September, Papen hoped to destroy the growing alliance between the Nazis and the Centre Party.
However, when no one objected, Papen placed the red folder containing the dissolution decree on Reichstag president Hermann Göring 's desk.
He demanded the floor in order to read it, but Göring pretended not to see him; the Nazis and the Centre Party had decided to support the Communist motion.
On 27 October, the Supreme Court of Germany issued a ruling that Papen's coup deposing the Prussian government was illegal, but allowed Papen to retain his control of Prussia.
In the November election the Nazis lost seats, but Papen was still unable to secure a Reichstag that could be counted on not to pass another vote of no-confidence in his government.
Instead, Hindenburg appointed Schleicher as chancellor. After his resignation, Papen regularly visited Hindenburg, missing no opportunity to attack Schleicher in these visits.
On 9 January , Papen and Hindenburg agreed to form a new government that would bring in Hitler. Hindenburg declined and Schleicher resigned at midday on 28 January.
Hindenburg formally gave Papen the task of forming a new government. The other eight posts were held by conservatives close to Papen. Additionally, as part of the deal that allowed Hitler to become Chancellor, Papen was granted the right to attend every meeting between Hitler and Hindenburg.
Moreover, Cabinet decisions were made by majority vote. Papen believed that his conservative friends' majority in the Cabinet and his closeness to Hindenburg would keep Hitler in check.
Hitler and his allies instead quickly marginalised Papen and the rest of the cabinet. For example, as part of the deal between Hitler and Papen, Göring had been appointed interior minister of Prussia, thus putting the largest police force in Germany under Nazi control.
He frequently acted without consulting his nominal superior, Papen. On 1 February , Hitler presented to the cabinet an Article 48 decree law that had been drafted by Papen in November allowing the police to take people into "protective custody" without charges.
On the evening of 27 February , Papen joined Hitler, Göring and Goebbels at the burning Reichstag and told him that he shared their belief that this was the signal for Communist revolution.
After the Enabling Act was passed, serious deliberations more or less ceased at cabinet meetings when they took place at all, which subsequently neutralised Papen's attempt to "box" Hitler in through cabinet-based decision-making.
Papen endorsed Hitler's plan presented at a cabinet meeting on 7 March to destroy the Zentrum by severing the Catholic Church from the Zentrum.
Papen saw the end of the Zentrum that he had engineered as one of his greatest achievements. Papen began covert talks with other conservative forces with the aim of convincing Hindenburg to restore the balance of power back to the conservatives.
With the Army command recently having hinted at the need for Hitler to control the SA, Papen delivered an address at the University of Marburg on 17 June where he called for the restoration of some freedoms, demanded an end to the calls for a "second revolution" and advocated the cessation of SA terror in the streets.
The speech incensed Hitler, and its publication was suppressed by the Propaganda Ministry. Two weeks after the Marburg speech, Hitler responded to the armed forces' demands to suppress the ambitions of Ernst Röhm and the SA by purging the SA leadership.
Though Papen's bold speech against some of the excesses committed by the Nazis had angered Hitler, the latter was aware that he could not act directly against the Vice-Chancellor without offending Hindenburg.
Papen himself was placed under house arrest at his villa with his telephone line cut. Some accounts indicate that this "protective custody" was ordered by Göring, who felt the ex-diplomat could be useful in the future.
Reportedly Papen arrived at the Chancellery, exhausted from days of house arrest without sleep, to find the Chancellor seated with other Nazi ministers around a round table, with no place for him but a hole in the middle.
He insisted on a private audience with Hitler and announced his resignation, stating, "My service to the Fatherland is over!
When Hindenburg died on 2 August, the last conservative obstacles to complete Nazi rule were gone. Hitler offered Papen the assignment of German ambassador to Vienna , which Papen accepted.
Instead, Papen reported directly to Hitler. Papen met often with Austrian Chancellor Kurt von Schuschnigg to assure him that Germany did not wish to annex his country, and only wanted the banned Austrian Nazi Party to participate in Austrian politics.
Papen also contributed to achieving Hitler's goal of undermining Austrian sovereignty and bringing about the Anschluss annexation by Germany. In the summer and fall of , Papen pressured the Austrians to include more Nazis in the government.
Papen later served the German government as Ambassador to Turkey from to In April , after the retirement of the previous ambassador, Frederich von Keller on his 65th birthday, the German foreign minister Joachim von Ribbentrop attempted to appoint Papen as ambassador in Ankara, but the appointment was vetoed by the Turkish president Mustafa Kemal Atatürk who remembered Papen well with considerable distaste when he had served alongside him in World War I.
Papen arrived in Turkey on 27 April , just after the signing of a UK-Turkish declaration of friendship. Between and Papen signed three economic agreements that placed Turkey in the German economic sphere of influence.
Papen claimed after the war to have done everything within his power to save Turkish Jews living in countries occupied by Germany from deportation to the death camps, but an examination of the Auswärtige Amt' s records do not support him.
Turkey, the Jews, and the Holocaust. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. During the war, Papen used his connections with Turkish Army officers with whom he served in World War I to try to influence Turkey into joining the Axis, held parties at the German embassy which were attended by leading Turkish politicians and used "special funds" to bribe Turks into following a pro-German line.
In , Papen frustrated a UK attempt to have Turkey join the war on the Allied side by getting Hitler to send a letter to Inönü assuring him that Germany had no interest in invading Turkey and by threatening to have the Luftwaffe bomb Istanbul if Turkey joined the Allies.
Roosevelt rejected the offer when he heard of it and told the OSS to stop talking to Papen. On 20 April , Turkey, wishing to ingratiate itself with the Allies, ceased selling chromium to Germany.
Papen was captured along with his son Franz Jr. Also present during the capture was a small band from the th Airborne glider Infantry. Papen was one of the defendants at the main Nuremberg War Crimes Trial.
The investigating tribunal found no solid evidence to support claims that Papen had been involved in the annexation of Austria. Papen was subsequently sentenced to eight years' hard labour by a West German denazification court, but he was released on appeal in Until , Papen was forbidden to publish in West Germany , and so he wrote a series of articles in newspapers in Spain, attacking the Federal Republic from a conservative Catholic position in much the same terms that he had attacked the Weimar Republic.
Papen unsuccessfully tried to restart his political career in the s; he lived at the Castle of Benzenhofen near Ravensburg in Upper Swabia.
Papen published a number of books and memoirs, in which he defended his policies and dealt with the years to as well as early Western Cold War politics.
Papen praised the Schuman Plan as "wise and statesmanlike" and believed in the economic and military unification and integration of Western Europe. Right up until his death in , Papen gave speeches and wrote articles in the newspapers, defending himself against the charge that he had played a crucial role in having Hitler appointed Chancellor and that he had served a criminal regime; these led to vitriolic exchanges with West German historians, journalists and political scientists.
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